Pakistan Army operation

Pakistan Army operation in Marri and Bugti area of Balochistan 86 killed 100’s wounded 

Army operation in Marri and Bugti area of Balochistan 86 killed

100’s wounded 

On 17th December 2005 Pakistani

Army launched an army

operation against innocent Marri

Baloch people throughout Kohlu

District, Parts of Dera Bugti, Noshki,

Makran Districts and other

parts of Balochistan. 

More then thirty thousand army personnel twelve Gunship

helicopters, four fighter jets, several spy planes of different sizes,

heavy artillery and missiles are being used only in Talli, Bambore,

Kahan, Jabbar, Nasau, Quat, Mundai and other parts of Marri

Area. 

Due to ten days of intensive bombing and shelling by army Jets,

Gunship Helicopters and heavy artillery at least 86 confirm deaths

and more then 120 serious wounded have been reported. Mostly

victims are women and young children.

It is time for the Baloch people to unite and stand up against such

atrocities by Punjabi Pakistan. Let me remind the international

community that it is not the first time that such severe measures

have been taken against the Baloch Nation. 

Until and unless the Baloch don’t unite and get the help of the

international community to put a leash on Pakistani (Punjabi Army)

this slaughter of Baloch people will continue. 

Pictures of Marri women and children killed in bombing and

shelling by Pakistani Army. This shameless Pakistani Army still

denies that there is no Army Operation going on in Balochistan. 

Take a look at the pictures below they speak for themselves,

mutilated bodies of innocent young children who were deprived of

all the facilities of modern world and now deprived of their own

life, all this destitution to the Baloch is by the tyrant and shameless

Punjabi Pakistani Army. By Balochvoice.com 28.12.05

Pakistan Terrorist Groups - Terrorist Outfits: An Overview

Pakistan Terrorist Groups - Terrorist Outfits: An Overview (List of Terrorist Groups)

Of the various ideological streams that currently

 

 inspire and provoke political violence and terrorism

 in South Asia, the most destabilizing and lethal, and

 the one with the greatest extra-regional impact, is

 Islamist terrorism. A multiplicity of sub-sets and a

 complex, sometimes conflicting scheme of inter-

linkages, has been documented in connection with

 the extended range of Islamist terrorist groups

 operating in the region.
Various shades of radical political Islam colour,

 indeed define, the Pakistani identity and nation, even as the country is positioned at

 the heart of contemporary Islamist terrorism. Extremist Islam is, and has long been,

the state’s principal tool of internal political mobilisation and of external projection in

 an extraordinary and audacious enterprise of strategic overextension. Crucially, the

 footprint of almost every major act of international Islamist terrorism, for some time

before 9/11 and continuously thereafter, invariably passes through Pakistan. After

9/11, the U.S. campaign in Afghanistan, and the stark choice given to the Pakistani

 leadership, the dynamics of the Islamist terrorist enterprise in South Asia have

undergone dramatic adaptive adjustments and modifications. Essentially, however,

 this dynamic, its underlying ideologies, and its motivational and institutional

 structures, remain intact.
There is strong and cumulative evidence that the Pakistani power elite, located in the

 regressive military-mullah-feudal combine, is yet to abandon terrorism as a tactical

 and strategic tool to secure what it perceives as the country’s quest for ‘strategic

 depth’ in the region. This remains the case despite the increasing ‘blowback’ of

 Islamist terrorist violence within the country, and the progressive erosion of the

 Army’s status and control in expanding areas of the country. While the Pakistani

 Army has taken selective action against particular groups of Islamist terrorists –

 particularly those who have turned against the state, who have attacked President

 Musharraf and senior Army and Government functionaries, who have engaged in

 sectarian terrorism within the country, or who are targeted specifically on behalf of,

 and under pressure from, the US – it is the case that Pakistan continues to support

 and encourage the activities of a wide range of terrorist and Islamist extremist

 organisations. This is particularly the case with organisations that are active in

 Afghanistan – including remnants of the Taliban – and in India.

Despite cosmetic policy changes and some tokenism – including formal bans on a

 number of terrorist organisations – many prominent Islamist terrorist organisations

 continue to operate with a high measure of freedom in and from Pakistan.

Lashkar-e-Tayiba is ready to hit again

Lashkar-e-Tayiba is ready to hit again

Two years after the Mumbai attacks, and despite the intense global crackdown, one of the world's most networked, resourceful and dangerous terrorist groups, the Lashkar-e-Tayiba, remains operational in Pakistan, and ready to hit again.

Hundreds of university students, including foreigners, are reportedly (BBC Urdu Service, November 4, 2010) undergoing various stages of training at Lashkar's new training campus near Muzaffarabad, the capital of Pakistan captured Kashmir.

The BBC quoted a 23-year-old engineering student from Lahore as saying that hundreds of students from Pakistan and other countries were getting training to 'wage jihad against India' in these camps. He said he completed the two-month training course -- Daura-e-Aam -- after completing his engineering course early this year.

A majority of the trainees were from Punjab where Lashkar operates from two parallel headquarters -- one at Muridke near Lahore which, till the Mumbai attacks, was the main training campus and the second one at Chouburji in Lahore where Mohammad Saeed and his confidants run a madrassa-mosque complex.

The report said the trained students were awaiting Saeed's orders to either go to Kashmir to renew their jihad against India or remain inside Pakistan to propagate Islam. Lashkar works for converting Pakistan into a radical Sunni State as part of its overall objective of establishing a Caliphate.

The training was being carried out at Dulai where Lashkar had relocated its training camps after the Mumbai attacks. Till then, the main campus was at Shawai Nala near Muzaffarabad, called Baitul Mujahideen .

Lashklar operational commander Zaki-ur Rahman Lakhwi used to run this complex. The Dulai campus is headed by Yusuf Muzamil, Lakhwi's second-in-command and one of the main accused in the Mumbai attacks.

Like Baitul Mujahideen, the Dulai camp is Lashkar's new command centre, which is connected to the world with high-speed broadband Internet and other communication facilities.

The camp is located in an area of about 39,325 square yards and was leased out by the terrorist group in March 2009 at a monthly rent of Rs 65,000.

Since the Mumbai attacks, the group has built a mosque and 14 shelters within the complex besides a middle school named Quaid-e-Azam Academy and Al Shifa free medical centre. Times Square bomber Faisal Shahzad had trained at this camp for three months in 2009.

Almost all of Lashkar's top leadership, barring Lakhwi and some others, remains free today and work openly to expand the terror network across new regions.

Of those who are said to be in prison, Lakhwi, an Al Qaeda representative in the terror group, has been active in running the new training campus at Dulai from prison.

Lakhwi, closely aligned to the ISI and Pakistan army, has access to men, communication and other logistical requirements. Before his arrest, the ISI had given him a satellite phone and a Land Rover besides access to generous funds.

Saeed is free and runs a billion dollar charity and educational empire from a mosque in the heart of Lahore. He addresses the devout every Friday, meets with political leaders on a regular basis, addresses public rallies across Pakistan and is a special guest at the iftaars thrown by the high and mighty in Pakistan, including the present ISI chief, Lieutenant General Shuja Pasha.

His clout could be gauged from the fact that he was recently (November 11) invited as a guest speaker at a seminar organised by the Lahore high court bar association where he criticised US President Barak Obama's visit to India and said it was part of a conspiracy against China and Pakistan.

Elsewhere in Pakistan, Lashkar and its parent organisation, the Jamaat-ud Dawa, have managed to hoodwink the world by calling itself Tanzeem Falah-e-Insaniyat, which incidentally operates from the same premises which was, till November 2008, occupied by Jamaat-ud Dawa's Islamic centres.

TFI was one of the 'shell' organisations floated by the terrorist group some time back to give it a cover of charity. These centres were nothing but madrassas to indoctrinate young students, recruitment and fund collection centres for jihad.

In Lahore, for instance, TFI works out of the Jamia Masjid al Qadsia, one of the biggest mosques in the city, which today houses the terrorist group's brain trust. 

Saeed, his son Talha Saeed, brother-in-law Abdur Rahman Makki and son-in-law Khalid Waleed either lead the prayers or promote and defend the group's ideology and the need for jihad to free Kashmir from this mosque.

In fact, days after Saeed was detained, his son addressed the gathering, calling for launching jihad across Asia to promote the cause of Islam.

In Karachi, the group runs its operations from Jamia Darasat al-Islamia -- a sprawling complex with a mosque, madrassa and a hostel besides the TFI office. Before the Mumbai attacks, Lashkar used to operate out of an office at Salman Terrace at Hassan Square in Gulshan-e-Iqbal.

Likewise, there are several smaller offices in Karachi -- the Jamia Masjid Khalid bin-Walid on Tariq Road, Masjid Hussain-bin-Ali in Quaidabad and a mosque in Sher Shah Colony -- where the group continues to propagate jihad and other violent activities. These offices and centres are run by paid staff of the group, most of whom had shifted from Lahore after the crackdown. The average pay of each staffer is Rs 6,000 per month.

The terrorist group's publications are freely available in Lahore and Karachi, two cities that have considerable number of Lashkar cadres. 

The weekly newspaper Ghazwah is on the stands under a new name, Jarrar while the vitriolic women's magazine, Tayyibat is called Al Sifat. The students' daily, Zarb-e-Taiba is available in university campuses as Akhbaar-e-Taiba and the periodical Al-Daawa is called Al Harmian.

Since the Mumbai attacks, the group has expanded its operations in Afghanistan. It has cells in five provinces of Afghanistan, but has maximum presence in Kunar and Nuristan provinces where it works with the Haqqani network against US-led NATO forces.

The Lashkar is actively engaged in recruiting new cadres for the Taliban in Afghanistan and Pakistan. The Taliban wants to recruit about 50,000 new fighters this year.

Large-scale recruitment is taking place in areas affected by the recent floods, particularly Khyber-Pakhtunwa, where Lashkar has been engaged in rescue and relief operations under the cover of Tanzeem Falah-e-Insaniyat.

The Lashkar today has more than a core cadre strength of 50,000 trained and armed men, the strength of an army division, of which 5,000 are in Karachi and the rest largely distributed across Punjab, mostly concentrated in Lahore, Multan, Jhang and Jhelum. 

The group has a cadre of dedicated trainers, many of them ex-army and ISI commandos, access to the latest weapons and funds, nearly $1 million of it from the Punjab government as grants last year!

SHATTERED LIVES IN BALOCHISTAN

SHATTERED LIVES IN BALOCHISTAN



The Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD), a regional federation of organizations of families of the disappeared and human rights advocates directly working on the issue of enforced disappearance in Asia, expresses deep concern over the alarming human rights situation in the occupied Balochistan area in south western part of Pakistan where a huge number of disappearance cases has been recently reported.
The AFAD received information from its international friends from Balochistan areas that more than 8,000 activists were forcibly made to disappear by Pakistani intelligence agencies and their fates and whereabouts are still unknown.
In the recent report of the Asian Human Rights Commission, it has been estimated that the number of Baloch men, women and children abducted by Pakistani intelligence agencies has reached 8,000. Activists, politicians and student leaders are among those who have been targeted in enforced disappearances, abductions, arbitrary arrests and cases of torture and other ill-treatment. The violence takes place against a backdrop of increasing political unrest and ongoing military operations in the Balochistan areas.
We are quite aware that Balochistan has a long history of insurgency with nationalist groups advocating greater autonomy. The Balochistan people have been demanding for economic emancipation, concretely through a bigger share of the revenue generated by the province's natural resources, principally natural gas. Despite being rich in natural resources, the Baloch people remain economically marginalized and receive little or no benefit from the Balochistan economy. 
In its efforts to counter the Baloch struggle, the Pakistani government has attempted to suppress this opposition by increasing the military presence in the region. Thousands of people are believed to have been killed from the hands of the Pakistani security forces. Many people are reported to have been subjected to enforced disappearance, torture, summary executions and deaths in custody with each passing day. Although, the human rights violations are equally attributable to both the Pakistani army and the Baloch nationalist rebels, it is the Pakistani state which is largely responsible for the continuing violence and attack against the Balochistan civilian population. It has been reported that the Pakistani intelligence agencies have started to employ the method of “kill and dump tactics,” in which the victim is first abducted, tortured and killed in cold-blood and then dumped in open fields. The recent discovery of the two dead bodies is part of this growing trend. Bullet-ridden bodies of those abducted, many showing signs of torture, are increasingly being found across Balochistan. 
Another case is that of a renowned Baloch lawyer, columnist and poet, Mr Ali Sher Kurd who was abducted on 21 September from Quetta and his mutilated body was found on 24 September 2010 in Khuzdar town in Balochistan.
It is really a shame on the Pakistani government to take advantage of the existing political unrest as a justification for its obvious act to terrorize the Balochistan people and to exterminate them through ethnic cleansing. It is very clear that the suppression of fundamental freedoms and civil liberties are not meant to crush the rebellions alone but to suppress the democratic demands of Balochistan people for self-determination and social emancipation. In November 2009, the Pakistani government announced a package of proposed policy and legislation reforms for Balochistan and promised to resolve the cases of enforced disappearances as soon as possible. It has, so far, failed to do so.
The continuing military offensives and the report of the clandestine conduct of nuclear tests in the Balochistan area by the Pakistani army which started in 1998 is no less an act of genocide, one that can be condemned as a crime against humanity.

Young Boy Sarfaraz killed in firing of Pakistani rangers.

Pakistani (terrorist) Army shoots and kills unarmed Young Boy

Pakistani (terrorist) Army shoots and kills unarmed Young Boy
Young Boy Sarfaraz killed in firing of Pakistani rangers.

Sarfaraz was brutally shot dead

Sarfaraz was killed in firing of rangers’ personnel in Boat Basin area of the

karachi, pakistan. According to the sources, the youth name

before he was arrested by the rangers in the Benazir Bhutto Park.

The heirs of deceased staged a sit-in protest before Chief Minister House, saying the youth was innocent and went to the park for outing. The extra judicial killing of the youth is condemned by several political leaders of the city. Sarfaraz was student of 10th class. He was killed on the day of Wednesday.

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QUESTIONNAIRE - School of Thought

سائين جي ايم سيد جي پيروڪار ۽ فڪر تحت هلندڙ پارٽيون الڳ الڳ ڇو؟

سائين جي ايم سيد جي فڪر ۽ فلسفي جي پيروڪار سڀني موجوده تنظيمن ۽ سندن اڳواڻ، باشعور ۽ باضمير ڪارڪنن، سڄاڻ ۽ خيرخواھ سنڌ جي مختلف ڪرت ۾ رڌل ۽ پاتال جي ڪنهن ڪنڊ ۾ دنيا کان اوجهل، پنهنجي معاشرتي بيمارين تي پنهنجي ليکي نجي ڪچهرين ۾ ڌاڙ پٽڪار ڪندڙ، صرف پين تي ڇوھ ڇنڊڻ سان پنهنجو پاڻ کي سنڌ جو سپوت سمجهڻ ۽ ڌرتي ماتا جو حق ادا ڪري ڇڏڻ جي وهمن ۾ رهندڙ ماڻهن ۽ سڀني سياسي، سماجي ۽ مختلف کيترن جي ڪارڪردگي ۾ رُڌل اڳواڻن ۽ ڪارڪنن جو، سنڌ جي قوم پرست تنظيمن، اڳواڻ ۽ ڪارڪنن طرف جارحان رويارکندڙ ماڻهن جي سوچ پٽاندڙ گهرجن کي ويچارڻ ۽ سڀ کان مٿاهين/مهان سنڌ جي سيڌ ۽ لڄ جي پئماليتي سندس اولاد جي فرض ۽ قرض جي ادئگي ۽ وقت جي ضرورت سان مطابقت رکندڙ دائويدار متحرڪ قوتن ۽ تنظيمن کان سنڌي قوم جو معصوم ۽ مظلوم، هر مرد ۽ عورت، خاص طور تي سنڌ جو نُوجوان پنهنجي تازن جزبن سان سرشار، زندگيءَ جي باڪي سفر ۾ ڪجھ ڪرڻ ۽ ٿيڻ جي تمنائون رکندي ۽ ايندڙ پيڙهي جي وارثن جا ڪجھ سوال قومي سفر جي پانڌيئڙن جي تفڪر لاءِ پيش ڪجن ٿا ـ
سوال نمبر 1 : پاڪستان جي تاريخ ۾ غيرجانبدار اليڪشن ۽ انجي تنتيجي ۾ عوامي ليگ جو اڪثريتي پا رٽي طور اليڪشن ۾ کٽي اچڻ جي باوجود، ان پارٽي جي سرواڻ شيخ مجيب الرحمٰن کي جيل ۾ بند ڪرڻ، مشرقي پاڪستان ۽ بنگالين جي ضرورت محسوس نه ڪندي، فوج ڪشي ڪرڻ جي عمل کي سائين جي ايم سيد دنيا جي وڏي ۾ وڏي ننگي دهشتگردي سمجهندي ۽ ان عمل کي قرار ڏيندي، پاڪستان جي فيڊريشن کي جئلسازي سمجهندي، جهن منجھ هڪ قوم پنهنجي طاقت (فوج) جي زور تي باق قومن کي غلام بنائي رکڻ جي حقيقت پسندي کي محسوس ڪندي، انجو احساس ۽ فڪر سڄي قوم منجھ اجاگر ڪندي ته سنڌي قوم هڪ الڳ جداگانا حيثيت رکڻ جي باوجود، غلامي جي زنجيرن ۾ جڪڙيل آهي ـ انجو حل صرف ۽ صرف آزاد سنڌوديش منجھ آهي ـ انڪري سنڌي قوم کي آزادي لاءِ جدوجهد ڪرڻ گهرجي. ڇا سڀئي پيروڪار تنظيمون ان فڪر تي عمل پيرا آهن ؟
سوال نمبر 2 : تقريبا (40) چاليھ سال گذرڻ کانپوءِ اسين (11 تنظيمون) تيار آهيون ته پنهنجي احتساب ڪريون ته ، هن سڄي عرصي ۾ ڇا وڃايو آهي؟ ۽ ڇا حاصل ڪيو آهي؟ ۽ ايندڙ وقت جون گهرجون ڪهڙيون آهن؟

سوال نمبر 3 : ڇا اسانکي (11 تنظيمون) پنهنجو احتساب ڪرڻ گهرجي ته : بين الاقوامي سياست ترقي يافته ملڪن، ٺيڪيدار ملڪن جا طورطريقا، محور ۽رستا ۽ حاصلات دنيا ۾ رهندڙ ملڪن ترقي پزير، ”محتاج ملڪن“ ۽ قومن لاءِ ڪهڙا آهن؟ خصوصا سنڌ ۽ سنڌ ۾ رهندڙ ٻاهرين قومن متعلق ۽ اسان جي ڪردار سان گڏ ڪارڪردگي ان سڄي پسمنظر ۾ ڪٿي ٻيٺو آهي؟ يا بيهڻ گهرجي پيو؟
 سوال نمبر 4 : سڄي سنڌ ۾خصوصنا ڪراچي ۽ وڏن شهرن ۾ پاڪستان ۽ دنيا مان ايل پناھ وٺندڙ قومن جي خواهش، تنظيم سازي، هٿيار بند جدوجهد ۽ منزل جوتعين ڌرتي ڄاين (سنڌ ۽ سنڌين) جي تناظر ۾ ڪهڙي آهي؟ مٿين سڀني جماعتن جو ادراڪ گهربل حالتن پٽاندڙ ۽ جديد نظرياتي سوچ مطابق آهي؟

سوال نمبر 5 : ڇا اسانکي (11 تنظيمون) پنهنجو احتساب ڪرڻ گهرجي ته : ـ
اسان سڀني جو رهبر هڪ سائين جي ايم سيد آهي؟ يا (9) نون الڳ الڳ رهبر آهن؟ ڇا اسان سڀني سڄاڻ ڪارڪنن ۽ هڏ ڏوکي، ايماندار، محب سنڌ، ورڪرن لاءِ سوچڻ جو مقام آهي؟ (ذميوار جو مرڪزي نقطو، سنڌ سيد، تنظيم ۽ جدوجهد هجڻ گهرجي.

فارمولو چوي ٿو : سچائي + عزم +عوام + جدوجهد = آزادي جيڪڏهن ها، ته پوءِ ڇو نٿا سوچو؟
سوال نمبر 6 : ڇا هنن (11) يارهن تنظيمن جي سڀني سرواڻن کان سندن تنظيم جي سچاڻ، هڏڏوکي ڪارڪنن، خيرخواھ انسانن ۽ سڄي سنڌي قوم جي معصوم، پيرهيل ۽ مظلوم مٽي هاڻن ماڻهن کي ڪيتري عرصي کان دلين ۾ وسوسا، وهم ۽ مختلف خيالن جا انبار اهن ته !!!!! ـ
آخر هي سڀ تنظيمون ڪهڙن سببن جي ڪري ڌار ڌار حيثيت ۾، جدوجهد ڪرڻ ۾ يقين رکندي سنڌ جي مسئلن جو هل تلاش ڪري رهيون آهن؟ ۽ منزل جي حاصلات ۾ڪئين پراميد آهن؟ ڇا ان فلاسافي تي هڪ دفعو ٻيهر سوچ ۽ فڪر ڪرڻ جي صرورت آهي ؟
سوال نمبر 7 : ڪئي سامراجي قوتن پنهنجي مڪروه سازشن ذريعي، سنڌ جي سياسي، سماجي ۽ اقتصادي وسيلن تي ناجائز قابض ٿيڻ خاطر، اسان جي مخلص، بهادر ۽ قربانين سان سرشار مسلسل جدوجهد ڪندڙن کي ذاتي لالچ ۽ لوڀ ، حرص ۽ هوس، خوف ۽ حراس ۽ رياستي ڏاڍ ۽ جبر ذريعي ٽڪڙن ۾ ته نه ورهائي ڇڏيو آهي؟
سوال نمبر 8 : ڪٿي ائين ته ناهي اسان جا سرواڻ (قومپرست) پنهنجي ذاتي مفادن ۾ الهجهي ڪري وقتي طور قومي مفادن تي ذاتي مفادن کي ترجيح پيا ڏين ۽ اصل مقصد کان پري ٿيندا پيا وڃن؟ جيڪڏهن ائين آهي ته پوءِ اڄ جي سنڌ ۽ سنڌي قوم اهڙي

سوچ ۽ فڪر جي متحمل آهي؟

سوال نمبر 9 : ڪٿي ائين ته نه آهي  اسان جا سرواڻ ڪارڪن، ورڪر، ۽ مجموعي طور سڄي قوم مسلسل حق تلفي، بک بيروزگاري، ناانصافي جون حدون پار ٿيڻ، بي يارو مددگار، تنظيم سازي جي اڻاٺ، قابليت جو فقدان ۽ هميشه ٻئي تي ڀاڙڻ واري ڪيفيت ۾ مبتلا رهڻ سبب خود اعتمادي وڃائي ويٺا آهيون؟

سوال نمبر 10 : ڇا اسان جي لاءِ ٻڏي مرڻ جو مقام نه آهي ته اسان جي غير سنجيده روين جي ڪري، موجوده بين الاقوامي سياسي تناظر جي روشني ۾ سنڌ ۾ مسلسل دنيا مان لوڌيل قومن جي فردن جي آبادڪاري سبب اسان پنهنجا شهري علائقه وڃائي ويٺا آهيون؟ ۽ پنهنجن سڀني وڏن شهرن ۾ پاڻ کي ڌاريو محسوس ڪرڻ لڳا آهيون؟ ان جي سدِ باب لاءِ مٿين گروپن عملي طور ڌاري آبادڪاري کي ڪهڙو بند ٻڌو آهي؟

سوال نمبر 11 : دنيا جي ڪنهن به ملڪ، ڪا به زبان ڳالهائيندڙ قوم، پنهنجي قوم جي فلاح، بهبود، بهتري ۽ حقوق جي حاصلات لاءِ مختلف ۽ قريب قريب هم خيال سياسي، سماجي جدوجهد ڪندڙ تنظيمن جي وچ ۾ مختلف اختلافي نقطن جي حل لاءِ ڳالھ ٻولھ جا دروازا بند ڪيا ويندا آهن. ۽ اهو سياست۾ بهترين عمل ليکيو ويندو آهي. ڇو ته دنيا ۾ ويڙھ کان پوءِ به ڳالھ ٻولھ جي ذريعي ئي قاعدن ۽ ذابطن جي زنجيرن جي مالها ٺاهي ويندي آهي. جيڪا ڌرين جي ضمانت جو سسب هوندي آهي. هرعمل جي آخر، ڳالھ ٻولھ هوندي آهي. اسان جي مٿين (11) تنظيمن سنڌ جي خاطر پنهنجي اختلافي نقطن کي ختم ڪرڻ، يا گهٽ مان گهٽ ۽ وڌ کان وڌ نقطن تي اتحاد ڪرڻ لاءِ سنجيده ڪوشش ڇو نه ڪئي آهي؟ سنجيده ڪوشش نه ڪرڻ جا ڪهڙا بنيادي ڪارڻ ٿي سگهن ٿا؟

سوال نمبر 12 : مٿين (11) تنظيمن منجهان اڪثريت جماعتن لاءِ ته اهو به خيال آهي جيڪو سچ آهي ۽ آئينو ڪڏهن به ڪوڙ نه ڳالهائيندو آهي( اسان جو ڪنهن به ساٿي اڳواڻ، ڪارڪن يا جماعت جي دل آزاري ڪرڻ مقصد نه آهي. اسان اڳواٽ سندن معذرت خواه آهيون ) ته هي ثانگا جماعتون پنهنجي ذات ۾ رستم سهراب بڻيو ٿيون وتن جن کي پنهنجي خبر به نه آهي اهي هليون اهن سنڌ کي آزاد ڪرائڻ. آزادي جي مقصدن ۽ انجي حاصلات کي سمجهڻ لاءِ سڀني کي، آزادي لاءِ جدوجهد ڪندڙ بين الاقوامي ملڪن ۽ قومن جي تناظر ۾ ڏسڻ جي ضرورت آهي. ڪٿي اسان نا سمجهي سبب سائين جي ايم سيد ۽ انجي فڪر ۽ فلسفي جو توهين ۽ تذليل جا مرتڪب نه ٿي پئون يا ٿي رهيا آهيون ـ هن جماعتن جي سرواڻن ۽ مخلص ايماندار ڪارڪنن لاءِ لمحه فڪر به آهي ـ جيڪڏهن ائين آهي ته پوءِ ائين نه ٿي ته وقت گذري وڃي!  جيڪو ڪن هن جو انتظار نه ڪندو آهي.
سوال نمبر 13 : مٿين (11)  تنظيمن منجهان ڪجھ جماعتون جيڪي وڏي خوش فهمي، غلط فهمي سبب، وڏي جماعت هجڻ جي وهمن، وسوسن ۽ خيالن جي دنيا ۾ پنهنجي مقصدن جي حاصلات ۽ انهن جي تعميرات جوڙڻ ۾ مصروف آهن. انهن ساٿين کي گذارش آهي ته پنهنجي تنظيمي ادارن منجهان هڪ هڪ الڳ الڳ اداري جو عملي، سنجده جائزو وٺندا ته اوهان اسان سان يقينا سهمت ٿيندا ته مور وانگر جيڪو ڏاڍو خوبصورت پکي آهي، پنهنجي ئي پيرن کي ڏسي روئندو آهي ـ توهان جي لاءِ به تنقيدي جائزي وٺڻ کان پوءِ ڪجھ اهڙي ئي صورت حال هوندي. سوال پنهنجي

پنهنجي ضمير، قومي حق ۽ فرض جي ادائگي جو آهي؟

سوال نمبر 14 : گونگي، انڌي ۽ سوچ ۽ فڪر کان وڳاڻي جي به ڪا ڀلا حد هوندي آهي ڇا؟ پر گنجائش جي ضرورت ڪٿي هوندي آهي؟ ظاهر آهي جٿي سچ ڳالهائڻ لاءِ ساٿ نه ڏي، ڪنن جي پردن کي ڪپھ سان بند ڪري ڇڏجي ته سچ ٻڌڻ جي سگھ ئي نه رهندي، اکين کي ٻوٽي چڏڻ ته جئين ظالم، ڏاڍ، جبر ۽ قومي وسيلن تي ڌارين جا ڏينهن ڏٺي ڌاڙا ڏسي ئي نه سگهجن ۽ قومي غيرت جو هجڻ ۽ اجاگر ٿيڻ، قومي سوچ ۽ فڪر جو هجڻ ۽ اجاگر ٿيڻ تڏهن ئي ممڪن آهي جڏهن اسان جا اهي سڀ حواص ڪم ڪندا رهندا. خدارا پنهنجي ضمير کان سوال ضرور ڪندا ۽ جيڪڏهن تسلي بخش جواب نه هجي ته پوءِ .......... ؟

سوال نمبر 15 : 40 سالن ۾ چاڪنگ، جهنڊا هڻڻ اخباري ڦوڪون ڏيڻ ۽ ڌرڻو ڪلچر پيدا ڪرڻ کان علاوه ڪو هڪ قدم به آزادي جي جدوجهد ۾ اڳتي وڌيا آهن؟

سوال نمبر 16 : سائين جي ايم سيد جي سالگراھ ۽ ورسي ملهائڻ ڏکيو ڪم آهي؟ يا آزادي وٺڻ؟ جيڪي 11 سرواڻ پنهنجي رهبر جي سالگراھ ۽ ورسي گڏجي نه ٿا ملهائي سگهن ته ڇا اهي آزادي لاءِ سنجيده آهن؟

سوال نمبر 17 : رهبر جي مرقد (مزار شريف ) کي هنن سانوڻ فقير جي مزار ڪري ڇڏيو آهي. الڳ الڳ پنڊال هڻندا آهن. لائوڊ اسپيڪرن جو منهن هڪٻئي جي پنڊال طرف ڪندا آهن. پوءِ ائين لڳندو آهي ته سانوڻ فقير جي ميلي تي موت جو کوھ ، لڪي ايراني سرڪس ۽ تماشي جو پورو بندوبست ٿيل هوندو آهي ۽ گڏوگڏ سياسي جادوگرن جا چڙ ڏياريندڙ گهسيل پٽيل جملا  آوازجي گونج ۾ بغير ڪنهن سمنجھ جي هلي رهيا هوندا آهن. اهڙي موقعي تي سائين جي ايم سيد، جي روح، سنڌ ڌرتي ماتا جي روح سان گڏوگڏ هڏ ڏوکي ڪارڪنن ۽ محب وطن سنڌ جا روح رنجھ ٿيندا هوندا ته ڇا هي سڀ طورطريقا آزادي جي منزل اَسان ٿا ڪن؟ يا منزل ڏور ٿا ڪن؟

سوال نمبر 18 : ڇا اسان جي هنن قومپرستن گروپن ۽ اڳواڻن جي اختلافي بلندي ۽ تعليمي قابليت جي سطح ايتري آهي؟ جيتري دنيا ۾ ڪنهن به آزادي لاءِ جدوجهد ڪندڙ پارٽي ۽ ان جي اڳواڻن ۾ اختلاف بلندي ۽ تعليمي قابليت هوندي آهي؟ جيڪڏهن نه ته پوءِ اسين ۽ توهين اهيو ڪئين سمجهي ويٺا آهيون ته هي قومپرست گروپ ۽ اڳواڻ سنڌي قوم کي آزادي جي جدوجهد ۾ رهنمائي ۽ رهبري ڪندا ؟

سوال نمبر 19 : چاليھ 40 سالن جي عرصي ۾ ڪهڙي گروپ (پارٽي) سيڪريٽريٽ ٺاهي آهي جنهن ۾ مختلف شعبا باقاعدا ڪم ڪندا هجن؟ باقي مولومسافرخانه آهن جيڪي صرف مولو خان پيا هلائين .... ؟

بنالشڪر خزاني جي ٿيڻ سلطان مشڪل آ

هنن گروپن ۽ اڳواڻن وٽ ڪهڙا لشڪر آهن؟ انهن ڪيتري تياري ڪئي آهي؟ ۽ پارٽي خزاني لاءِ ڪهڙا ٻوٺا ٻاريا آهن؟ سواءِ پنهني پيٽ ڀرڻ جي ؟

سوال نمبر 20 :  ـ

 ٽانگا پارٽيون

ادا هي پراڻو اصطلاخ آهي، هن وقت ڪا پارٽي درست آهي. مٿين گروپن ۾ ڪجھ اهرا به آهن، هڪ ڊرائيور اڳيان ليڊر پويان ٻن سيٽن تي پوري پارٽي. اچي ٺڪا ڪندو پريس ڪلب ۾ شاهي ڪانفرنس ٿي ويندي، ٻئي ڏينهن اخبار ۽ ٽي وي ۾ فوٽو، ٽئين ڏينهن ڀتي، چندي يا قبضي تي شروع ٿي ويندو ـ

آخر هن سنڌي قوم جي اٻوجھ ماڻهن سان ايڏا هاڃا ۽ ويساھ گهاتي ڇو ۽ ڇالاءِ؟

سنڌ ۽ سنڌين کي آڪسيجن جي ضرورت آهي

سنڌ جون قومپرست جماعتون جيڪي سائين جي فڪر جون پوئلڳ اهن پنهنجي ڏاڙهي پٽ ۽ هڪ کان نئون ٽولو ٺاهڻ جي ڀرپور ڪوشش ۾ آهن سي قومي تحريڪ کي ڪئين جلائيندا. هر قومپرست کي ٻئي قومپرست مان ڌپ ٿي اچي ۽ ٻئي طرف سنڌي ڌرتي دشمن جي سازش تحت ٽڪرا پئي ٿئي ۽ سنڌي قوم تڙپي تڙپي مرڻ کي اچي پهتي آهي ـ

ڪڏهن ته ڪٿي ته پنهنجي ضمير جي آواز تي لب ئڪ چوندي، خوف ۽ هراس، لالچ ۽ لوڀ، جرص ۽ هوس کان پاسو ڪندي، ذاتي انا جي پرواھ نه ڪندي، پنهنجي ذاتي زندگي جيئڻ سان گڏوگڏ، گڏيل قومي زندگي جيئڻ خاطر، قومي ڏاڍ ۽ جبر، ظلم ۽ زيادتي، سياسي، سماجي ۽ اقتصادي ڦرلٽ جي تدارڪ خاطر حق جو ڪلمو پڙهڻ کي پنهنجي ايمان جو جز سمجهندي، پنهنجي ڌرتي ماتا جي فرض ۽ قرض جي ادائگي خاطر، ۽ قومي تاريخ جي ورقن ۾ ڪجھ ڪر ي وڃڻ جي جذبي جي روشي ۾ اٿو، جاڳو، قومي مقصد کي اُتم سمجهندي، صف بندي جي شروعات ڪندي پوري طاقت سان اظهار ڪري ڏيو ڀل اوهان جي سامهون چنيسر پنهنجو هجي يا علوء دين خلجي ڌاريوهجي  ـ

بس ادا بس

Enough is Enough